Citation
Harris, A. P., & Sen, M. (2019). Bias and judging. Annual Review of Political Science, 22, 241–259. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051617-090650
Research Question
How, and to what extent, do judges’ ideology and personal backgrounds, such as race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and life experiences, shape judicial decision-making, and when should such differences be understood as bias?
Key Takeaways
Ideology and party of appointing president are the strongest, most consistent predictors of judicial decisions across issues; Demographic traits like race and gender significantly affect outcomes mainly in identity-salient areas (e.g., race and gender discrimination, voting rights); Diversity on multi-judge panels produces panel effects, with women and judges of color shifting colleagues’ votes in related cases; Many legal disputes are indeterminate, so outcome differences reflect structured judicial preferences rather than random error or isolated prejudice; The aggregate ideological and demographic composition of the bench functions as a policy instrument that shapes the overall direction of case law.
Dataset Description
This is a synthetic review article rather than a single empirical study. It surveys and integrates several decades of empirical research on judicial behavior, drawing on hundreds of quantitative studies of U.S. federal and state courts (Supreme Court, Courts of Appeals, District Courts, and some state high courts) from roughly the 1940s through the late 2010s. The underlying literature spans hundreds of thousands of judicial votes and case outcomes across areas such as criminal sentencing, civil rights, employment discrimination, voting rights, administrative law, and constitutional law, mostly within the United States, with selective reference to other jurisdictions.
Methodology
statistical/quantitative, doctrinal (synthetic literature review)
Key Findings
Harris and Sen conclude that ideology and partisanship are the most powerful and consistent predictors of judicial decisions across courts and issue areas. Measures such as party affiliation in presidential elections, Martin–Quinn scores, and related ideological metrics strongly correlate with votes in both civil and criminal cases, sentencing severity, and attitudes toward regulation and rights. Personal demographics, race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and certain life experiences also influence judgment, but primarily in domains where identity is salient. Women judges are more likely to support plaintiffs in gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and reproductive rights cases, while judges of color more often favor racial minority litigants in voting rights, affirmative action, and race-based employment disputes. These effects extend beyond individual votes through panel composition: the presence of a woman or judge of color on a panel can shift how white or male colleagues vote in identity-salient cases, magnifying the impact of descriptive diversity. Outside such domains, demographic differences largely shrink once ideology is controlled for, suggesting that many apparent demographic effects are mediated through ideological pathways. The authors argue that because many legal questions are indeterminate, observed differences in outcomes should be understood as structured preference-driven variation rather than aberrational prejudice. Accordingly, the aggregate ideological and demographic composition of the judiciary operates as a policy lever that shapes the direction of case law, with important implications for appointments, diversity initiatives, and litigation strategy.
Summary
Harris and Sen’s article is a comprehensive synthesis of the empirical literature on how bias, broadly construed as the influence of ideology and personal background, shapes judicial decision-making. They situate their review within the long-standing debate between legal formalism, which sees judges as neutral appliers of law, and legal realism, which views judging as inherently shaped by policy preferences and life experiences. By systematically surveying decades of work from political science and law, they argue that the reality of judicial behavior aligns much more closely with realist expectations.
The article finds that ideology and partisanship are the most robust and generalizable drivers of judicial outcomes. Across the U.S. Supreme Court, Courts of Appeals, and District Courts, judges appointed by Republican presidents tend to vote more conservatively and impose harsher sentences, while Democratic appointees lean more liberal in areas ranging from criminal justice to civil rights and administrative law. Various quantitative measures of ideology, such as Martin–Quinn scores and Judicial Common Space scores, reliably predict votes, showing that judicial preferences are stable, measurable, and consequential over time.
Personal characteristics like race, gender, religion, and family background also matter, but in more targeted ways. The authors show that women judges are more likely to favor plaintiffs in sex discrimination, sexual harassment, and reproductive rights cases, and that judges of color are more inclined to support minority plaintiffs in race-related disputes, such as voting rights and affirmative action. Importantly, this influence extends beyond individual decisions: when a woman or judge of color sits on a multi-judge panel, their presence can shift their colleagues’ behavior in identity-salient cases, generating panel effects that amplify the impact of descriptive diversity. However, once ideology is taken into account, many demographic differences in other issue areas become modest or disappear, suggesting that ideology mediates much of the apparent demographic influence.
Harris and Sen caution against conceptualizing these patterns as “bias” in a narrow or purely pejorative sense. Because many legal questions do not have a single determinate answer, differences in outcomes across judges largely reflect predictable, structured variation grounded in policy preferences and experiences, rather than arbitrary prejudice. From an institutional perspective, what matters most is the aggregate composition of the judiciary: changing the mix of conservative and liberal judges and altering the representation of women and judges of color shifts the overall trajectory of case law. This has direct implications for judicial selection, diversity initiatives, and how scholars and practitioners think about fairness and legitimacy in courts.
For litigators, the review implies that judicial behavior is both patterned and strategically usable. By understanding how ideology interacts with demographic traits within specific doctrinal domains, advocates can more accurately forecast the likelihood of success, assess settlement value, and anticipate how changes in panel composition or appellate review may affect their prospects. For scholars and policymakers, the article underscores that efforts to reduce or manage “bias” cannot focus solely on individual judges’ attitudes; instead, they must grapple with the systemic consequences of who is appointed to the bench and how that collective composition shapes the law’s development over time.
How the Study Advances Empirical Understanding of Legal Outcomes
The study synthesizes decades of quantitative research to show that judicial decisions exhibit structured, repeatable patterns over time that are systematically associated with institutionalized ideological alignment and, in narrower domains, identity-linked experience, rather than random variation. The analysis shows that recognizing these patterned regularities is essential for understanding why legal outcomes diverge across cases, even when formal doctrine is shared, particularly in areas where legal indeterminacy leaves room for discretion shaped by stable preferences. By grounding its conclusions in large-scale empirical studies of case outcomes across courts and issue areas, the study’s methodological approach aligns with Pre/Dicta’s emphasis on empirical, case-based analysis of legal outcomes and decision contexts.





